Oath and Ordeal Part 2
The second of two articles which are very well-done and thought
provoking on the structure and purpose of covenant signs. This is
originally found in the WTJ in 1965. It is reformatted, and updated for
the web. Part 1 can be found
here.
Oath
And Ordeal Signs, Second Article
by Dr. Meredith G. Kline
II.
Baptism, Sign of Judgment {from first article}
B.
Christian Baptism
One
of the links between Christian and Johannine baptism is ‘the baptism
which Jesus authorized and his disciples administered during the very
period of John’s preaching and baptizing. 1
The key to the meaning of that early dominical baptism and to the enigma
of its apparently abrupt cessation is to be found in the significance of
the role of John and of Jesus as messengers of the covenant lawsuit.
2
When
Jesus began his public ministry, God’s lawsuit with Israel was in the
ultimatum stage. At this point, the judicial function of Jesus coincided
with that of john. Jesus’ witness had the effect of confirming
John’s witness of final warning to Israel, especially to Israel’s
officialdom in the Judean area. And since the meaning of the baptismal
rite administered by these messengers of the covenant derived from the
official nature of their mission, the import of Jesus’ baptism, though
separately conducted, would also be essentially the same as John’s.
Thus, as a sign of the covenant lawsuit against Israel, the baptismal
rite of Jesus was, like John’s, a symbol of the imminent Judgment
ordeal of the people of the Old Covenant.
This
interpretation of Jesus’ early baptizing in terms of the concurrent
ultimatum mission of John is strikingly confirmed by the evident
cessation of that baptism once John was imprisoned. By suffering the
voice in the wilderness to be silenced, the Lord of the covenant
concluded the ultimatum stage in his lawsuit against Israel, judging
that Israel’s responsible representatives had by now decisively
rejected his warning. The profound satisfaction Which the defiant rulers
must have registered at John’s imprisonment was, it would seem, the
final, intolerable expression of their contempt for the heavenly
authority in which John had come to them ( cf. Matt. 21:23ff .;
Mk. 11:22ff. ; Lk. 20:1ff. ). Hence, the imprisonment of John was the
signal for the departure of Jesus to Galilee. The form of presentation
in the Gospels, particularly in Matthew and Mark, is such as to call
attention to the fact that it was the imprisonment of John that prompted
Jesus to initiate the new ministry in Galilee, whose epochal nature the
Synoptics are clearly concerned to impress on us. 3 Thus, implicitly, the
Gospels trace to John’s imprisonment the ending of the early Judean
ministry of Jesus with its particular baptismal rite. That is, they
implicitly connect the cessation of Jesus’ early baptism with the
termination of the ultimatum stage in the covenant lawsuit against
Israel. 4
In
brief then, the early baptism authorized by Jesus was a sign of God’s
ultimatum to Israel. When that ultimatum was emphatically rejected, a
new phase in the administration of the covenant was entered, Jesus’
ministry of baptism ceasing along with the Johannine message of
ultimatum which it had sealed.
The
difference between the earlier and the later baptisms authorized by
Jesus was the difference between two quite distinct periods in the
history of the Covenant. The later baptism was of course ordained as a
sign of the New Covenant; it was no part of the old lawsuit against
Israel. Nevertheless, this new water baptism, appearing so soon after
the other and still within the personal ministry of Jesus, would hardly
bear a meaning altogether different from the earlier one. There would be
a pronounced continuity between Christian baptism and the earlier,
Johannine baptism. While, therefore, the baptismal ordinance which
Christ appointed to his church would have a significance appropriate to
the now universal character of the covenant community and to its new
eschatological metaphysic, it would continue to be a sign of
consecration to the Lord of the covenant and, more particularly, a
symbolic passage through the judicial ordeal, in which those under the
rule of the covenant receive a definitive verdict for eternal glory or
for perpetual desolation. This is borne out by the New Testament
evidence.
1.
Baptism as Ordeal
That
Peter conceived of Christian baptism as a sign of judicial ordeal is
indicated by his likening it to the archetypal water ordeal, the Noahic
deluge ( I Pet. 3:20–22 ). In this passage, ντίυπον
(v. 21 ) is best taken with βάπτισμα
, in which case Christian baptism is directly designated as the antitype
of the ordeal waters of the deluge, or of the passage through those
waters. 5 But even if ντίτυπον
were connected with μας
so that the church would be called the antitype of the Noahic family,
the total comparison drawn lay Peter would still involve alt
interpretation of the baptismal waters in terms of the significance of
the deluge ordeal.
With
respect to the interpretation of the deluge-“baptism” as a judicial
ordeal, we would observe that that understanding of it opens the way for
a satisfactory carrying through of what would seem the most
straightforward approach to these difficult verses. For the most natural
assumption is certainly that Peter was led to bring the deluge and the
rite of baptism together because of the common element of the waters.
And surely then that exegesis will most commend itself which succeeds in
maintaining a genuine parallel between the role played by the waters in
the two cases. Since, therefore, a saving function is predicated of the
waters of baptism (v. 21 ), the waters should also figure as a means of
salvation in the deluge episode (v. 20 ). That is, the problematic διδατος should be construed
in the instrumental sense. This can be, done, and without the tortuous
explanations required by the usual forms of this approach, once it is
recognized that the flood waters were the ordeal instrument by which God
justified Noah. 6
It may be natural to think of the flood waters as merely destructive, as
something from which to be saved. But those waters may be precisely the
same and obvious sense be the means of condemnation-destruction or of
justification-salvation, if they are seen to be the waters of a judicial
ordeal with its potential of dual divine verdicts.
According
to another suggestion, 7
Peter meant that the flood waters saved Noah by delivering him from the
evil of man ( cf. II Pet. 2:5 , 7 ). A similar aspect of
Christian baptism is then found in Peter’s baptismal call to the
Israelites on Pentecost to save themselves from their crooked generation
( Acts 2:40 f.). It might also be observed that the extrication of the
righteous from their persecution by the ungodly is characteristic of
redemptive judgments and that the oppressive violence practised by the
pre-diluvian kings figures prominently in the introduction to the flood
record. 8
Nevertheless, a forensic interpretation of the salvation referred to in
I Pet. 3:20 is preferable since the judicial relationship of God to man
is a more prominent aspect of both biblical soteriology and the
symbolism of baptism. 9 Moreover, Peter proceeds
immediately to develop the idea of salvation, as signified in baptism,
the counterpart to the flood, in specifically forensic terms (see vv.
21b , 22 ).
That
which signalized salvation was not, says Peter, the mere putting away of
the filth of the flesh incidental to a water rite. It was rather the
good conscience of the baptized (v. 216). Now conscience has to do with
accusing and excusing; it is forensic. Baptism then is concerned with
man in the presence of God’s judgment throne. This conclusion remains
undisturbed whatever the precise exegesis of the relevant phrase. The περώτημα
seems best understood as a pledge (a meaning well attested in judicial
texts), the solemn vow of consecration given in answer to the
introductory questions put to the candidate for baptism. In ancient
covenant procedure, as has been observed above, such an oath of
allegiance was accompanied by rites symbolizing the ordeal sanctions of
the covenant. If περώτημα
were taken as an appeal, either the appeal of a good conscience to God
or the appeal to God for a good conscience, it would refer to the prayer
uttered in prospect of the divine ordeal. 10
There is a further heightening of the juridical emphasis in this passage
in Peter’s reference to the actual saving act with respect to which
baptism serves as a symbolic means of grace (vv. 21c , 22 ). The
salvation figured forth in baptism is that accomplished in the judgment
of Christ, which issued in his resurrection. The motif of ordeal by
combat is introduced by the allusion to Christ’s subjugation of
angels, authorities, and powers. 11
Thus the total context of Peter’s thought concerning baptism supports
the conclusion we have drawn from his comparison of baptism to the
deluge, namely, that he conceived of this sacrament as a sign of
judicial ordeal.
Paul
saw the nature of baptism displayed in another classic Old Testament
water ordeal. In I Cor. 10:1ff. the apostle recalls that the Mosaic
generation of Israel participated in events that corresponded in
religious significance to the church’s sacramental ordinances of
baptism and the Lord’s Supper. 12 Yet, in spite of
experiencing the sacramental privileges of the Mosaic Covenant, most of
that generation fell beneath its curses because of defection from its
sworn allegiance to Yahweh. ‘therein was a message for the church
which Paul proceeded to apply. Our present interest, however, is in
verse 2 : “(they) were all baptized into Moses in the cloud and in the
sea”.
As
was observed previously, the passage through the Red Sea had the
character of a judicial ordeal by which Israel was vindicated and Egypt
doomed. It was an ordeal by water and by fire, the two elemental ordeal
powers. The water needs no further explanation; perhaps the fire does.
13
In
his theophanic embodiment in the pillar of smoke and fire, Yahweh,
himself a consuming fire, was present in judgment. 14
Through the fiery judgment pillar he could declare and execute his
verdicts unto salvation or damnation. The fire-theophany at the burning
but unconsumed bush was a token of Israel’s safe passage through the
imminent ordeal. In the exodus crisis the pillar served to shelter,
guide, and protect the elect nation; it thereby rendered for Israel a
favorable verdict. 15
But through the pillar a judgment of condemnation was declared against
the Egyptians as the Lord, looking forth from the fire-cloud,
discomfited them. 16
The theophany of the cloud-pillar functioned then as Yahweh’s ordeal
by fire. 17
‘This
exodus ordeal by the fire-cloud and the waters of the sea Paul
identified as a baptism. If there were any doubt that “baptized” in
I Cor. 10:2 is to be taken not as a common verb but in its technical
religious sense, it would be dispelled by the addition of “into
Moses”, which unmistakeably carries through the parallel to the
Pauline phrase, “baptized into Jesus Christ”. 18 Besides, none of the
lion-technical meanings of βαπτίζω
( e. g. , dip, immerse, plunge, sink, drench, overwhelm) would
accurately describe the physical relationship that actually obtained
between Israel and the fire and water. In fact, neither baptismal
element so much as came in contact with all Israelite during the
crossing. Moreover, if in its technical employment as a water rite βαπτίζω denoted a washing or
cleansing, we could not account for Paul’s usage in I Cor. 10:2 . For
the effect of the passage through the hurl Sea was not a cleansing of
the Israelites — may they not even have beets a little dustier when
they reached the far shore? Also, the idea of washing would not readily
account for the “into Moses” aspect of this baptism. 19
If on the other hand, we grant that technical, ritual baptism signified
for Paul a process of judicial ordeal, his placing of the Red Sea
crossing in the category of baptism makes transparent sense. What the
apostle meant when he said that the fathers were baptized into Moses in
their passage under the cloud and through the sea was that the Lord
thereby brought them into an ordeal by those elements, an ordeal through
which he declared them accepted as the servant people of his covenant
and so under the authority of Moses, his mediatorial viceregent. 20
We
would judge, therefore, that for Paul, as for Peter, the sacrament of
Christian baptism signified a trial by ordeal and that the term βαπτίζω
, in its secondary, technical usage, had reference to the ordeal
character of a person’s encounter with the baptismal element.
Thoroughly
congenial to the ordeal interpretation of the baptismal symbolism is the
New Testament’s exposition of baptism as a participation with Christ
in the judgment ordeal of his death, burial, and resurrection. 21
We shall concentrate here on Colossians 2:11ff . because in this passage
there is a noteworthy interrelating of biblical ordeal symbols and
realities in explication of Christ’s sufferings and triumph.
Earlier
we followed the exegesis of “the circumcision of Christ” ( Col. 2:11
) that regards “of Christ” as an objective genitive and “the
circumcision”, therefore, as the crucifixion of Christ. “Without
hands” would then mean that his circumcision was no mere human
symbolization of the curse sanction of the law but the actual divine
judgment. “Putting off the body of flesh” would further contrast the
crucifixion to the symbolic removal of the foreskin as being a
perfecting of circumcision in a complete cutting off unto death and that
as an object of divine cursing. 22
According to another interpretation of the verse, “of Christ” is a
subjective genitive and “the circumcision” is a spiritual
circumcision experienced by the one who is in Christ, namely,
crucifixion of the old man, or destruction of the body of sin. 23
This circumcision would be “without hands” because a divinely
wrought spiritual reality, not a mere external symbol.
The
choice between these two interpretations is difficult. 24
But even if this
“circumcision of Christ” is understood as an experience of the
Christian, it is still one which he has in his identification with
Christ in his crucifixion. For in this passage as a whole (including now
verses 11a and 12 ), Christian experience is modelled by Paul after the
pattern of Christ’s death, burial, and resurrection, the Christian’s
circumcision (v. 11a ) corresponding to Christ’s death. 25
If then Paul calls the Christian death experience a circumcision it is
only because he was first of all prepared to call Christ’s death a
circumcision. Our conception of the crucifixion ordeal is thereby
enriched with the thought associations of the ancient sign of the ritual
knife ordeal. 26
Paul’s
delineation of the death of Christ includes the additional ordeal
feature of decision rendered through combat (v. 15 ). A legal setting is
already indicated in verse 14 by the statement that the curse claim of
the law was satisfied on the cross. 27
Then the accusing role of Satan in the judgment of God’s people is
suggested by the demonic antagonists who face Christ in his judgment
conflict (v. 15 ). 28
It is by victory in this combat with Satan’s hosts that the
vindication of Christ anti the acquittal of those who are united with
him in his ordeal is secured. 29
Christ’s triumphing involves an action denoted by the problematic πεκδυσάμενος
. According to a popular exegesis of this term, Christ stripped the
vanquished principalities and powers of their armour. In that case we
might compare the imagery to the ordeal combat of the champions David
and Goliath, wherein, Yahweh having judged in favor of Israel, David
stripped the giant of his armour and carried it away in triumph. 30
But it is worth considering whether the figurative allusion in Col. 2:15
is not rather to the well attested ancient practice of belt-wrestling as
a combat ordeal technique in court procedure. Victory and favorable
verdict were achieved by stripping off the adversary’s wrestling belt.
31
According to this interpretation of πεκδυσάμενος
(and relating it to the πέκδυσις
of verse 11 ), the passage would mean that Christ in his very suffering
of the circumcision curse of crucifixion accomplished the
circumcision-stripping off of his demonic opponents. The divine verdict
was registered in the triumphant emergence of Christ from the domain of
death; our Lord “was raised again for our justification” ( Rom.
4:25b ). His death-burial-resurrection was then a victory over the
accusers, a stripping away of their legal claims, exposing, overcoming,
and casting them out through the belt-grappling of a divine ordeal.
Graphic
confirmation of the ordeal significance of baptism is thus found in the
Pauline integration of baptism with the messianic
death-burial-resurrection schema, especially where Paul expounds the
latter as both a circumcision and a judicial ordeal by combat. Mention
must be made of the common significance of baptism and circumcision
which emerges so clearly in this same connection. Paul understood both
of these rituals as signs made with hands, signifying union with Christ
in his representative judgment ordeal. He also interpreted both as signs
of the corresponding spiritual death and resurrection of believers.
Especially remarkable is the ease with which Paul in Col. 2:11 f.
combines circumcision with baptism as complementary signs of the
death-burial-resurrection pattern, whereas elsewhere ( Rom. 6:3 ff.)
baptism by itself serves as sign of the entire complex.
2.
New Covenant Judgment
Is
the interpretation of Christian baptism as a sign of covenantal judgment
ordeal compatible with the biblical teaching concerning the newness of
the New Covenant? Even if the earlier covenants were law covenants
enforceable by dual sanctions, with both the blessing and the curse
signified by the sign of circumcision, the question may still be raised
whether the introduction of the new order did not constitute so radical
a change as to transform the covenant into an administration exclusively
of blessing. Is not that the force, for example, of Jeremiah’s
prophecy of the New Covenant? And must not the baptismal sign of the New
Covenant differ then in this respect from the old consecration sign of
circumcision?
This
problem was anticipated in the development of our biblico-theological
definition of covenant. 32
Law was there shown to be a fundamental element in the Covenant of
Redemption. With respect to the redemptive revelation at last given in
Christ, the revelation which is the New Covenant, it was observed that
for Christ, as the covenant Servant and second Adam, the redemptive
mission was comprehensively one of obedience to the law of the covenant
as the way to secure the covenant’s blessings. The proper purpose of
the New Covenant was found to be realized precisely in this, that Christ
through his active and passive obedience as the representatives of his
people and for their salvation honored the law of the kingdom of God in
its abiding stipulations and sanctions even as revealed from the
beginning in the Covenant of Creation and as republished in the
redemptive administrations of the Old Testament. Whatever it is,
therefore, that constitutes the newness of the New Covenant, it is not
the negation of its law character, law being understood as the principle
that makes kingdom inheritance dependent on the obedience of a
representative federal head. Indeed, this aspect of the essential law
character of the Covenant of Redemption is nowhere more clearly
displayed than here in the New Covenant, its perfecting administration.
Moreover,
the newness of the New Covenant does not consist in a reduction of the
Covenant of Redemption to the principle of election and guaranteed
blessing. Its law character is seen in this too that it continues to be
a covenant with dual sanctions. In this connection, account must be
taken of Jeremiah’s classic prophecy of the New Covenant ( Jer. 31:31
ff.). Since exegesis has often erred by way of an oversimplified stress
on the difference or newness of the divine work promised in this
passage, it is important to mark the continuity that is evident even
here between the New and the Old Covenants. For all its difference, the
New Covenant of Jeremiah 31 is still patterned after the Sinaitic
Covenant. 33 It is a writing of the
law on the heart rather than on tables of stone (v. 33 ; cf. II
Cor. 3:3 ), but it is another writing of the law. 34 It is a new law
covenant. 35
Hence, for Jeremiah, the New Covenant, though it could be sharply
contrasted with the Old (v. 32 ), was nevertheless a renewal of the
Mosaic Covenant. It belonged to the familiar administrative pattern of
periodic covenant renewal (of which the cycle of sabbatical years was an
expression), and renewal is the exponent of continuity.
Of
course, this particular renewal of the ancient law covenant was unique
in that it was the final, perfecting renewal. It was the New Covenant.
Its distinctiveness, according to Jeremiah’s description of it, was
that of fulfillment in contrast to the penultimate and imperfect nature
of the Mosaic Covenant in all its previous renewals. This New Covenant
would bring to pass the consummation of God’s grace — consummation
of divine revelation to men (vv. 33a , 34a ), consummation of the
personal relationship of God to men in forgiveness and fellowship (vv.
33b , 34b ). 36
But if the distinctiveness of the New Covenant is that of consummation,
if when it abrogates it consummates, then its very discontinuity is
expressive of its profound, organic unity with the Old Covenant.
Jeremiah
speaks, to be sure, only of a consummation of grace; he does not mention
a consummation of curses in the New Covenant. But the proper purpose of
that covenant was, after all, salvation. Moreover, Jeremiah’s
particular concern was with the difference between the new and the old,
and in respect of the visitation of covenant curses upon covenant
members the New Covenant was not as clearly distinctive. Indeed, that
aspect of covenant administration was particularly prominent in the Old
Covenant, the divine wrath being at last visited upon the city of the
great King and upon the Old Testament people unto the uttermost.
Further,
there is no reason to regard Jeremiah’s description of the New
Covenant as a comprehensive analysis, on the basis of which all
exclusive judgment might then be rendered, excluding the curse sanction
from a place in New Covenant administration. Even the aspect of New
Covenant consummation that Jeremiah does deal with he views from the
limited eschatological perspective of an Old Testament prophet. He
beheld the messianic: accomplishment in that perfection which
historically is reached only in the fully eschatological age to come, as
the ultimate goal of a process which in the present semi-eschatological
age of this world is still marked by tragic imperfection. But the
theologian of to-day ought not impose on himself the visionary
limitations of all Old Testament prophet. By virtue of the fuller
revelation he enjoys 37
he is able to distinguish these two distinct stages in the history of
the New Covenant and to observe plainly that the imperfection of the
covenant people and program has continued on from the Old Covenant into
the present phase of New Covenant history. It is in accordance with this
still only semi-eschatological state of affairs that the administration
of the New Covenant is presently characterized by dual sanctions,
having, in particular, anathemas to pronounce and excommunications to
execute. 38
To
interpret Jeremiah’s prophetic concept of the New Covenant as
excluding curse sanctions is, therefore, to condemn it as fallacious.
For the historical fact is that New Covenant administration includes
both blessing and curse. 39 The Christ who stands
like the theophanic ordeal pillar of fire in the midst (if the seven
churches addresses to them threats as well as promises, curses as well
it-, blessings. 40
By his apostle he warns the Gentiles who are grafted into the tree of
the covenant that just as Israelite branches had been broken off for
their unbelief, they too, if they failed to stand fast through faith,
would not be spared. 41
Again, when the lord appears in the filial ordeal theophany as the judge
of the quick and the dead, taking fiery vengeance on them that obey not
the gospel, he will bring before his judgment throne all who have been
within his church of the New Covenant. There his declaration of the
curse of the covenant will fall on the ears of some who in this
world have been within the community that formally owns his covenant
lordship, so that still in that day they think to cry, “Lord, Lord,
have we not prophesied in thy name? and in thy name have cast out
devils? and in thy name done many wonderful works?” 42
There is, therefore, a fulfillment of the covenant lordship of Christ
over his New Testament church unto condemnation and death as well as
unto justification and life. In the execution of both verdicts, whether
unto life or unto death, the New Covenant will be enforced and
perfected.
We
are bound to conclude, therefore, that the newness of the New Covenant
cannot involve the elimination of the curse sanction as a component of
the covenant and that this newness consequently poses no problem for the
interpretation of Christian baptism as a sign of ordeal embracive of
both blessing and curse. In confirmation of this conclusion we may
recall that John the Baptist analyzed the work of the coming One as a
baptism of judgment in the Holy Spirit and fire. Christ so baptized the
Mosaic covenant community and he so baptizes the congregation of the New
Covenant.
Pentecost
belongs to both the old and new orders. It was the beginning of the
messianic ordeal visited on the Mosaic community. Those who received
that baptism of Pentecost emerged vindicated as the people of the New
Covenant, the inheritors of the kingdom. Pentecost was thus a baptismal
ordeal in Spirit and fire in which redemptive covenant realized its
proper end. 43
But the Israel of that generation which (lid not share in this baptism
of justification soon experienced the messianic baptism as a judgment
curse unto death, destruction, and dispersion. So also the
semi-eschatological phase of the New Covenant moves on towards a
messianic ordeal which will bring for the justified meek, the
inheritance of the earth, but judicial exposure and the curse-sentence
of excision for the apostates. As an Old Testament prophet, even though
standing at the threshold of the messianic kingdom, John did not
distinguish these distinct moments in the messianic baptism-ordeal. But
we who are within the kingdom of God perceive that John’s own water
ritual pointed to the ordeal of Israel, while the Christian rite that
bears the name and continues the essential form of John’s baptism
signifies the rapidly approaching ordeal appointment of the people of
the New Covenant.
Conclusions:
Christian baptism is a sign of the eschatological ordeal in which
the Lord of the covenant brings his servants to account. In baptismal
contexts this judgment is often viewed more specifically as that through
which the Christian passes in Christ, in whose ordeal the final judgment
of the elect was intruded into mid-history. That is, judgment is viewed
in such cases only in so far as it involves the specific verdict of
justification. Agreeably, the import of the baptismal sign of judgment
is then expounded in soteriological terms like regeneration,
sanctification, incorporation by the Holy Spirit into the body of
Christ, or protective sealing against the clay of wrath. But even when
the consideration of baptism is thus restricted to its significance for
the elect, judgment as curse and death remains at the center of
baptism’s import and continues to be the specific object of its
symbolic portrayal. For the blessing of the elect arises only out of
their Saviour’s accursed death.
One’s
theology of the sacramental signs of the covenant will have to be
consistent with his theology of the covenant itself. If the covenant
concept is constricted to an administration of grace to the elect, then
it will hardly seem possible that the signs marking entrance into the
covenant should signify a judicial consummation of the covenant which is
fraught with ultimate curse as well as ultimate blessing.
It
has appeared, however, that there is independent evidence available for
interpreting these signs of incorporation as signifying the dual
covenant sanctions and this provides then vet further proof of the
impossibility of satisfying all the biblical data with the restricted,
guaranteed-promise conception of covenant. It is also another
confirmation of the necessity of making the idea of God’s lordship the
central focus of the systematic doctrine of covenant.
Now
if the covenant is first and last a declaration of God’s lordship,
then the baptismal sign of entrance into it will before all other things
be a sign of coming under the jurisdiction of the covenant and
particularly under the covenantal dominion of the Lord. Christian
baptism is thus the New Covenant sign of consecration or discipleship.
It
is immediately evident in the great commission ( Matt. 28:18–20 ) that
commitment to the authority of Christ is the chief thing in Christian
baptism. For there baptizing the nations takes its place alongside
teaching them to obey Christ’s commandments in specification of the
charge to disciple them to him who has been given all authority in
heaven and earth. 44
Of similar significance are a concatenation like Paul’s
“one Lord, one faith, one baptism” ( Eph. 4:5 ) and the common
confession of Jesus as Lord or Christ in baptismal formulae. 45
The related baptismal phraseology of “in (or into) the name of Jesus
Christ” (or “of the Lord”, or of the Trinity) also expresses the
nature of baptism as confirmation of an authority or ownership
relationship, judging from analogous usage in the Old Testament 46
and in Hellenistic legal and commercial papyri. 47
Further evidence is the representation of baptism as a seal, in the
sense of a token of authority or mark of ownership. 48
The
incorporation of disciples into the jurisdiction of the New Covenant by
the baptismal confession of Christ as Lord is in clear continuity with
the tradition of the initiatory oath of allegiance found in Old
Testament covenantal engagements (and their extra-biblical
counterparts). 49
As an oath-sign of allegiance to Christ the lord, baptism is a sacrament
in the original sense of sacramentum in its etymological relation
to the idea of consecrate and more particularly in its employment for
the military oath of allegiance. 50 And if the immediate
function of baptism in covenant administration is to serve as the ritual
of an oath of discipleship, we have in that another indication that
baptism is a symbolic portrayal of the judgment of the covenant. For, as
we have seen, covenant oath rituals were enactments of the sanctions
invoked in the oath. Indeed from these historic antecedents we may infer
that baptism as an oath ritual symbolizes in particular the curse
sanction, the death judgment threatened in the covenant. 51
The
foregoing analyses bear out the judgment that there is a thoroughgoing
correspondence between the meaning of baptism and that of circumcision.
Both are confessional oath signs of consecration to the Lord of the
covenant and both signify his ultimate redemptive judgment with its
potential of both condemnation and justification. There is indeed a
shift in emphasis from the malediction side of the judgment spectrum to
the vindication side as covenant revelation moves on from Old Testament
circumcision to New Testament baptism (the baptism of John being in this
respect, too, transitional). This change reflects the movement of
redemptive history from an administration of condemnation to one of
righteousness. Nevertheless, the maledictory element is no more to be
excluded from the New Testament sign of consecration because of this
shift in emphasis than vindication- qualification is to be excluded from
the meaning of the Old Testament rite simply because that was
characteristically an administration of condemnation and death.
The
form ;in name of baptism are enough to prevent such an
oversimplification of its complex meaning. The form, as we have seen,
symbolizes a visitation of judgment waters aid, as its mine indicates,
the ritual proper does not comprise the emergence of the baptized person
from the water but only his entrance into the symbolic judgment. For on
no view of the meaning of βαπτίζω
is any thought of emergence involved. In fact, the metaphorical meaning
that it develops is that of perishing. 52
At the same time there is no contradiction between the form or name of
the sign and the soteric aspect of baptism’s significance, which is
emphasized in the New Testament. For even though the waters portray the
judgment curse, the rite does not prejudge the ultimate issue of the
individual’s destiny one way or the other. It places him under the
authority of the Lord for judgment and tells him that as a sinner he
must pass through the curse; yet it also calls him to union with his
Lord, promising to all who are found in Christ a safe passage through
the curse waters of the ordeal.
A
further word on the relevance of the foregoing for the question of the
mode of administering baptism is in order. As for the meaning of βαπτίζω
, its semantic development evidently proceeded from the primary idea of
dipping in water to secondary metaphorical ideas like overwhelm and (in
the Scriptures) to the secondary special idea of administering a
religious water rite. Then from the particular significance of certain
of these sacred rituals as signs of ordeal (and perhaps with an assist
from the metaphorical meaning of overwhelm, which was common in the
usage of the Greek world) βαπτίζω
came to be used in Scripture for the idea of undergoing a
judgment ordeal, whether or not by water. If this analysis is in the
main correct, it is academic to debate the contention that the idea of
immersion belongs inseparably to the primary meaning of βαπτίζω
. Further, any exclusivistic claims for the sole propriety of some one
mode of administering baptism are gratuitous. In or any mode of relating
the water to a person that is attested in the various biblical water
ordeals would have biblical warrant. Of course, not all such modes would
prove expedient. In Israel’s passage through the Red Sea the baptismal
waters stood in a threatening (if actually protective) position over
against the Israelites without, however, touching them, while in the
Jordan crossing, the waters were so far removed as to be quite out of
sight. At the other extreme, Jonah, like the accused in the Babylonian
water ordeal, was plunged into the depths (not to mention now his novel
conveyance) and the baptized family in the Noahic deluge ordeal sailed
over the rising flood while torrents descended from above. 53
If
this means on the one hand that no exclusive claims can be made for the
mode of immersion, it would nevertheless appear that the suitability of
that mode remains unimpaired. Baptism by immersion will surely impress
many as a most eloquent way of portraying the great judgment of God,
while the familiar imposition of moistened finger tips which is
generously called sprinkling must seem to many to project quite
inadequately the threatening power and crisis of the ultimate ordeal.
54
Is it not time for Reformed liturgists to address themselves to the task
of finding a form for the baptismal sign that will capture and convey
something of the decisive encounter which baptism signifies? 55
A satisfactory solution would seem to require such a decided step in the
general direction of the immersion ritual as to open the possibility for
hopeful dialogue in the interests of a consensus of all concerned.
III.
The Administration Of Circumcision And Baptism
The
Covenant of Redemption is an administration of God’s Kingdom. It is an
institutional embodiment of the divine lordship in an earthly community.
The question arises then as to how this divine authority structure
relates itself to other coexisting authority structures. At present we
are concerned with this matter in so far as it may involve principles
relevant to the administration of the covenantal oath signs of
consecration. In turning to this aspect of our study of circumcision and
baptism, we will once again try to sharpen our historical perspective by
viewing the divine covenants against the background of their formal
counterparts in the ancient world.
A.
Vassal Authority in Covenant Administration
The
suzerain-vassal covenants were authority structures which brought
outlying spheres of authority under the sanctioned control of an
imperial power. The great king gave his treaty to a vassal who was
himself also a king. In imposing his covenant the suzerain did not
dissolve the royal authority of his vassal, as an empire builder would
in the case of the territorial annexation of another kingdom as a
province. Indeed, it was precisely in his status as a king that the
vassal was addressed in the treaty. The dynastic succession within the
vassal kingdom was sometimes a matter of explicit concern in the treaty
stipulations. The historical prologue of the treaty might even reflect
on the fact that it was the suzerain’s efforts that had established
the vassal king on his throne; more than that, the covenant itself was
at times the very means of his doing so. It was then by swearing the
vassal’s oath of allegiance that a throne aspirant became king or a
king was re-established in his dominion over his people. There is even
evidence that the treaty could be the means of enlarging a vassal
king’s domain. 56
It
is of course obvious from the whole purpose of these treaties that the
vassal king in taking the ratificatory oath did so in his capacity as
king and thus brought his kingdom with him into the relationship of
allegiance to the suzerain. Moreover, from express statements in the
treaties we know that the vassal king assumed responsibility for his
sobs and more remote descendants, committing them with himself in leis
covenant oath. Consequently, these descendants are mentioned in the
curses as objects of divine vengeance if the covenant sworn by the
vassal king should be broken.
A
few examples may be cited. The treaty of Esarhaddon with Ramataia
begins: The treaty which Esarhaddon, king of the world, king of Assyria,
son of Sennacherib, likewise king of the world, king of Assyria, with
Ramataia, city-ruler of Urakazabanu, with his sons, his grandsons, with
all the Urakazabaneans voting and old, as many as there be — with (all
of) you, your sons, your grandsons who will exist in days to come after
the treaty, from sunrise to sunset, over as many as Esarhaddon, king of
Assyria, exercises kingship and lordship — (so) he has made the treaty
with you concerning Ashurbanipal, the crown-prince, son of Esarhaddon,
king of Assyria. 57
Later
in this same treaty Ramataia is reminded: [Esarhaddon] has made you take
all oath that you will relate [the treaty-provisions] to your sons and
to your grandsons, to your seed, to your seed’s seed which shall be
(born) in the future, that you will order them as follows: — ‘Guard
this treaty. Do not transgress your treaty, (or) you will lose your
lives, you will be turning over your dwellings to be shattered, your
people to be carried off’. 58
The
Sefireh treaty begins: The treat’ of Bar-ga’ay ah, King of KTK, with
Mati‘el, soil of ’Attarsalnak, King [of Arpad; and the trea]ty of
the sons of Bar-ga’ayah with the sods of Nlati’el; and the treaty of
the grandsons of Bar-ga’aya[h and] his [descendants] with the
descendants of Mati‘el. 59
The
concluding curse of the treaty between the Hittite Mursilis and
Duppi-Tessub of Amurru reads: The words of the treaty and the oath that
are inscribed on this tablet—should Duppi-Tessub not honor these words
of the treaty and the oath, may these gods of the oath destroy,
Duphi-Tessub together with his person, his wife, his soil, his grandson,
his house, his land and together with everything that he owns. 60
It
is clear then that these ancient treaties, on the form of which the
redemptive covenants were patterned, were engagements not merely between
individuals but between broader authority structures. In particular, the
servant king who was bound by the treaty was bound not alone but
together with his subjects and his descendants.
B.
Circumcision and Generation
From
the pervasive formal correspondence between the divine covenants and the
international vassal treaties it would be reasonable to infer that in
the covenant of circumcision too the chief vassal figure was approached
not in abstraction from his authority status but with his societal
station in view, being confronted with the demand to subject all within
his sphere of authority to that higher authority before which he was
himself summoned to bow the knee. We are not dependent, however, solely
on such inference, for analysis of the direct Scriptural evidence leads
us to the same conclusion.
One
aspect of the circumcision rite not considered above has direct
relevance here. The fact that circumcision was performed on ail organ of
generation is surely meant to indicate that the significance Of the rite
— both as a sign of malediction and of consecration — had reference
to the descendants of the vassal who swore the circumcision oath-curse.
Supplementing
what we have concluded as to the primary oath-curse meaning of
circumcision, we may now add that the specific malediction expressed by
the symbolic action of circumcising the foreskin was the cutting off of
the vassal’s descendants so as to leave him without heir or name in
the kingdom. In the parallel extra-biblical treaties there are numerous
instances of the particular curse of being denied offspring or having
one’s descendants cut off. The following examples come from
Esarhaddon’s treaty with Ramataia. “May he [Ashur] never grant you
fatherhood” (col. vi, 1. 415 f.). “[May Ṣarpanitu who gives]
name and seed, destroy your name and your seed [from the land]” (col.
vi, 1. 435 f.). “[Just as the seed of] a hinney [is sterile,] [may
your name,] your seed and the seed of [your sons] and your [daughters be
destroyed] from the land” (col. vii, It. 537–539). 61
A curse against the one who violated the treaty of Ashurnirari V with
Mati’ilu was that he might “be a mule” and “his wife [have no]
offspring.” 62
The treaty-deed of Abban with Iarimlim concludes with this curse against
any who would alter Abban’s deed: “May Ishtar who makes eunuchs …
bind his member” (1. 19 f.). 63
The final curse in the treaty of Tudhaliyas IV and Ulmi-Teshub is that
if anyone changes even a word of the treaty tablet, “may … the
thousand gods of this tablet root that man’s descendants out of the
land of Hatti” (rev. 25 ff.). 64
In
this common treaty curse there was the perfect foil for the blessing
that was so prominent in the covenant of circumcision, the blessing of
the promised son for Abraham and Sarah. And this precise opposition that
obtains between the particular blessing that is dominant in the Genesis
17 context and the circumcision-curse as we have interpreted it becomes
convincing proof of the correctness of that interpretation when we
observe that such an exact matching of curses and blessings is
characteristic of the sanctions of the ancient treaties. For a biblical
example, see in the Deuteronomic treaty the pairing of the six-fold
blessing of 28:3–6 and the six-fold curse of 28:16–19 , and note
especially the appearance there again of the particular curse-blessing
contrast featured in the covenant of circumcision: “cursed (or
blessed) shall be the fruit of thy body” (vv. 4 and 18 ).
But
the circumcision oath-rite was also a sign of consecration and in
relation to that the meaning of the application of the circumcision sign
to the male organ of generation would be that the descendants of the
circumcised were consecrated with himself to the Lord of the covenant.
Corresponding to this was God’s promissory definition of this covenant
as one he would establish with Abraham’s descendants after him ( Gen.
17:7 ). What may be inferred from the nature of circumcision as a
cutting off of the foreskin is more explicitly expressed by the
prescription of Genesis 17 that circumcision was to be administered (not
only at the initial ratification ceremony of that day but throughout the
coming generations) to the vassal’s sons, and that on their eighth day
(v. 12 ). Thus the vassal’s descendants, who yet unborn were
consecrated in the circumcision of their forefathers, were again and
individually consecrated by the direct application of the sign of
consecration to themselves.
These
regulations for the administration of circumcision reveal the Abrahamic
Covenant to be, like other vassal covenants, an instrument for
incorporating a whole authority unit within the higher jurisdiction of
the covenant suzerain. Nor was the authority unit in question confined
to the sphere of Abraham’s parental authority. He was instructed to
bring the servants of his house as well as his son Ishmael under the
sign of Yahweh’s authority (vv. 12 f., 23 , 27 ). The vassal unit thus
extended to the more comprehensive sphere comprised within Abraham’s
authority as parent-householder.
The
principle emerges here that a man who enters God’s covenant by
personal confession is held responsible by his Lord to bind with himself
under the yoke of the covenant certain others of his subordinates (as
more precisely specified in the stipulations of a particular covenant
administration). To fail to do so is a contradiction of one’s oath of
allegiance. That is why Moses, for the uncircumcision of his son, was in
peril of the curse that was invoked against him in his own circumcision
( Exod. 4:24–26 ). 65
The verses immediately preceding that episode record God’s commission
to Moses to demand of Pharaoh that he let God’s covenant son Israel go
to serve him ( Exod. 4:21–23 ). But how could Moses be the bearer of
such a demand, how could he be the minister of God to lead forth the
multitude of the Lord’s servant-sorts to their great consecration act
at the mount of God, when he had neglected to consecrate his own son to
the Lord by circumcision? So it was that God threatened to cut him off
from his destiny in Israel-like the accursed ram in the Assyrian
ratification ritual cited earlier, separated from the herd, never again
to return to its place at their head. 66
We
conclude then that the principle of vassal authority was integral to the
administration of circumcision as sign of entrance into God’s
redemptive covenant. Confession of Yahweh’s lordship as a matter of
personal faith constituted the necessary nucleus and historical
beginning for the administration of the rite, and thus for the formal
establishment of the covenant community for which circumcision was
(paradoxically) the sign of inclusion. There had to be an Abraham. But
Abraham could not enter into this oath and covenant simply as an
individual. It was Abraham the parent-householder, Abraham the
patriarch, to whom God gave the covenant of circumcision. In keeping
with the nature of the covenant as that may be discerned in the light of
the most relevant biblical and extra-biblical data, covenantal
incorporation into the kingdom of God did not proceed exclusively in
terms of individual confession. The formation of the ancient covenant
community was rather a process of incorporating households which were
under the authority of a confessing servant of the Lord.
C.
Baptism and the Authority Principle
When
covenant is no longer identified with election and guaranteed blessing,
and especially when the baptismal sign of incorporation into the
covenant is understood as pointing without prejudice to a judgment
ordeal with the potential of both curse and blessing, certain questions
that have long ensnarled the polemics of infant baptism are eliminated
from consideration as no longer relevant. Within the’ framework of our
doctrine of covenant and baptism the practice of infant baptism would
clearly involve no presumption that the children of believers are
Christians by birth. 67
No theory of presumptive regeneration as the basis for the
administration of baptism to infants could be reared on the foundation
of law covenant. Neither, on our approach, would the baptism of the
infants of believers signify a divine promise that they were destined to
secure the blessings of the covenant sooner or later. Hence, there would
be no need to theorize how the baptism of such might serve as a means of
conveying to them the grace supposedly sealed to them by the rite, much
less to apologize for the numerous cases in which that grace never is
conveyed.
For
us the pertinent question is whether the covenant for which baptism
serves as oath-sign of incorporation is, like the divine covenants of
the Old Testament and the parallel vassal covenants of the ancient
world, a relationship of authority spheres rather than simply of
individuals. That the New Covenant is in this respect like its
precursors would be the natural inference to draw from our analysis of
the New Covenant as generically one with the earlier covenants, new and
old being alike law covenants, declarations of God’s lordship over a
people bound to him under the sanctions of life and death. 68
The pattern of authority is not peripheral but central in the vassal
covenant form and therefore the whole weight of the historical case for
identifying the New Covenant as a continuation of the earlier
Suzerain-vassal covenants presses for the conclusion that this New
Covenant is administered to confessors not just as individuals but as
heads of authority units.
Direct
New Testament evidence is available to the effect that Christ’s
authority as Lord of the covenant does indeed extend to his disciples’
subordinates, commanding their obedience. At least that can be shown to
be true in the case of the children of believers. In the discussion of
infant baptism the episode of the bringing of the children to Jesus
69
has been the source of considerable contention. But in support
of the point we would make we need gather no more from that episode than
that our Lord heartily approved when those with parental authority over
these children exercised it to bring them to him and place them under
the authority of his ministry. And that much at least would seem to be
beyond debate. Another significant fact is that Paul instructed the
children of various congregations to obey their parents in the Lord, and
in support of his charge cited the pertinent stipulation of the Sinaitic
Covenant together with its accompanying covenantal sanction. 70
Clear confirmation is also found in Paul’s directive to covenant
parents to bring their children under the nurturing and admonishing
authority of the Lord. 71
In this exhortation the apostle takes for granted that it is the very
authority of Christ as covenant Lord that reaches and claims children
through the authority of their parents.
It
is therefore a matter of express Scriptural teaching that the disciple
of Christ is bound to bring those who are under his parental authority
along with himself when he comes by oath under the higher authority of
his covenant Suzerain. From this it follows that the Scriptures provide
ample warrant for the administration of baptism to the children of
confessing Christians, for baptism is the New Covenant rite whose
precise significance is that of committal to Christ’s authority and of
incorporation within the domain of Christ’s covenant lordship. 72
While
the New Testament thus indicates decisively that the independent
authority of the covenant servant continues to be a regulative factor in
covenant administration, the explicit evidence for this is confined to
household authority in its most fundamental form, the authority of the
parent over his children. There does not appear to be any clear evidence
in the New Testament that the societal authority structure of master and
servant has been taken up into the organizational structure of the New
Covenant. It would be possible to interpret the New Testament accounts
of household baptisms 73
in and of themselves as involving the baptism of household servants
along with their converted masters and indeed on the basis of the
confession of the latter. But nothing; compels us to adopt such an
interpretation of these episodes. 74 We may then ask
whether there are any considerations which would rule out the reception
of bond servants into the New Covenant on the basis of the authority of
a believing master over them.
Since
the adult servant is a personally responsible individual before God, one
way of approaching our problem is to inquire whether New Testament
evidence indicates that any change has taken place in the authority
pattern of the covenant with respect to persons of that type. The New
Covenant does appear to have instituted such a change in the case of
unbelieving wives of Christian husbands. Under the Old Covenant the idea
might not be entertained by one of the patriarchs or by a later
Israelite that he was at liberty to permit his wife to dissociate
herself from the covenantal relationship to which he had bound himself.
The wives (lid not receive a sign of entrance into the covenant but they
were none the less brought. within the rule of the covenant along with
the children and household servants when their husbands entered the
covenant. 75 Whatever their
personal religious attitude, as members of a covenant member’s
household the wives were under the authority and sanctions of the
covenant Lord. But according to I Corinthians 7:12ff. , in the New
Covenant the believing husband’s marital authority is not regarded as
being at the same time a covenantal authority- which claims his wife for
the church. In fact, an unbelieving wife is to be permitted the
initiative in determining whether she will even continue to live with
her believing husband. There is no thought of his exercising the
restraint of a covenantal authority to compel her to abide with him in a
status of subjection to the Lord of the covenant. The important
differences between the household position of the wife and that of the
slave must give its some pause in using this datum concerning the wife
of a believer to support a negative conclusion on the question of the
covenantal status of a Christian master’s unbelieving slave. On the
other hand, the fact that the New Testament has changed previous
covenantal administrative policy with respect to one type of adult under
household authority would seem to place us under the obligation of
finding positive New Testament evidence for our position if we are going
to maintain that the householder’s authority over other responsible
adult subordinates has been taken up into the authority structure of the
New Covenant. We cannot safely assume that such is the case simply on
the basis of Old Testament administrative practice.
We
are led to a yet more conclusive judgment on this issue when we take a
broader and more analytical survey of the general relationship sustained
by the covenant institution to other coexisting cultural authority
structures in the successive epochs of covenant history. We cannot do
more here than suggest the main outlines of this development, calling
attention to the elements that are most relevant to our present topic
and noticing in particular the nature of the sanctions employed in the
several covenant administrations.
In
the beginning under the Covenant of Creation no distinction existed
between the covenant institution and an extra-covenantal area of
cultural authority structures. The universal community of man in all his
cultural relationships constituted precisely the form of the authority
structure of the covenant. It is an ultimate goal of the Covenant of
Redemption to bring about once again a total and simple institutional
identification of the covenant with the entire community of the new
mankind in his consummated relationship to the whole new creation. That
will be the final accomplishment of Christ, the Redeemer-King.
In
the historical administrations of the Covenant of Redemption prior to
that consummation there is never a simple identification of the covenant
structure with the totality of the human cultural complex. 76
But neither is there a complete separation between the two. The Covenant
of Redemption in its organization and operation avails itself of the
structures and processes in which man’s cultural history unfolds. It
does so, however, in different ways in different ages.
In
Old Testament times the redemptive covenant actually embodied itself in
one or another cultural authority structure. These cultural units did
not comprise the unbroken totality of culture as in the pre-redemptive
age, but the covenant and the particular cultural unit did coalesce. As
authority structures they were one and coextensive. Thus, the structure
of the Abrahamic Covenant was identical with that of the patriarch’s
authority sphere. And since the covenant took over as its own structure
the existing social structure with Abraham as head of the household
community, Abraham was also head over the covenantal community, and
covenantal government included (even at the human level)
cultural-physical sanctions. 77
In the course of time the patriarchal societal form was replaced by the
kingdom of Israel, household authorities being now supplemented by
various kingdom authorities. But the covenant structure was still one
and the same as this more complex cultural form. In fact, it was the
covenant revelation through Moses that had legislatively molded this
cultural form of Israel with a view to the typological purposes of the
covenant and its history in that premessianic age. 78
In
New Testament tithes there is no longer a simple coalesence of the
authority structure of the covenant with that of arty cultural unit.
Although the New Covenant honors parental authority and works through
it, the government of the New Covenant, even at the human level, is not
limited to that (or to any more comprehensive) cultural form. For the
New Covenant adds a system of special, strictly cultic, officers as a
second, and indeed dominant, focus of its human authority structure. The
New Covenant thus has a cultural authority focus in the covenant family
and a cultic authority focus in the assembled, worshipping congregation
with its special officers.
The
latter feature is a significantly new development in the pattern of
covenant authority. The Mosaic Covenant too had its special authorities
in addition to the parent-householders of Israel, but that additional
authority was not of a non-cultural nature. For it was the authority of
a visible, earthly kingdom and as such it had recourse to economic and
corporal, including capital, sanctions. The kingdom of Israel was, of
course, not another Caesar-kingdom but, uniquely, the Kingdom of God
institutionally present among the nations. Its earthly cultural form was
symbolic of the ultimate integration of culture and cult in the world of
the consummation. The judicial infliction of cultural sanctions by its
officers typified the final messianic judgment of men in the totality of
their being as cultural creatures. This institutional symbolization of
the final judgment and eternal kingdom disappeared from the earthly
scene when the Old Covenant gave way to the New. 79
In this age of the church, royal theocratic authority with its
prerogative of imposing physical-cultural sanctions resides solely in
Christ the heavenly King. The judicial authority of the permanent
special officers whom Christ has appointed to serve his church on earth
is purely spiritual-cultic.
Cultural
sanctions have no place, therefore, in the functioning of the central
and dominant cultic authority focus of the New Covenant. And to
introduce the sword or other cultural sanctions into the New
Covenant’s pattern of human authority in connection with its minor,
household focus of authority would be alien to the distinctive spirit of
the Covenant and its mission in the present age. The authority of the
parent over the child involves no difficulty on this score since it is a
spiritual-moral suasion. If the enforcement of parental authority has
its corporal aspect, even that is not civil or judicial. But the
authority of a master over a slave is fundamentally a civic-economic
authority, violations of which are judicable in civil court and
enforceable by the state’s judicial sanctions. This cultural authority
structure may not, therefore, be endowed with covenantal character in
this age.
Hence
we would judge that in the administration of the New Covenant and
particularly of the New Covenant’s sign of baptism, the believing
master’s authority over his servant is not reckoned as a covenantal
authority. The servant, therefore, is not to be baptized on the basis of
his household relationship to a Christian master.
Conclusions:
The administration of baptism as the sign of demarcation of the
congregation of the New Covenant takes account of both personal
confession and of the confessor’s temporal authority. Just as there
had to be an Abraham as the confessing nucleus of the Abrahamic covenant
community marked by circumcision, so there had to be a nuclear company
of disciples who confessed Christ as Lord for the establishment of the
church of the New Covenant sealed by baptism. So too in the continuing
mission of that church among new families and peoples, the administering
of the sign of covenantal incorporation awaits the emergence of the
confession of Christ’s lordship. But though the confession of faith
has this primacy in the administration of baptism it is not the
exclusive principle regulative of this rite. For the one who confesses
Christ is required to fulfill his responsibility with respect to those
whom God has placed under his parental authority, exercising that
authority to consecrate his charges with himself to the service of
Christ. The basis for the baptism of the children of believers is thus
simply their parents’ covenantal authority over them.
For
those who are baptized according to the secondary principle of authority
as well as for those who are baptized according to the primary principle
of confession, baptism is a sign of incorporation within the judicial
sphere of Christ’s covenant lordship for a final verdict of blessing
or curse.
At
the same time, the significance of the reception of baptism in the two
cases will differ as active consecration differs from passive
consignment.
2
Cf.
above, W.Th.J. XXVII, 2, pp. 127 ff. See G. R.
Beasley-Murray, Baptism in the New Testament , London, 1963,
pp. 67 ff. for a survey of treatments of these questions. He
comments, “if Jesus did refrain from letting His disciples baptize
in the later ministry, we have to admit that the reason is shrouded
in uncertainty” (p. 70).
5
It is a question of whether the relative pronoun ὅ
at the beginning of verse 21 refers to the immediately preceding διδατος
(understood instrumentally) or to the more general idea of verse 20
(the διδατος
then being understood locally). The acceptance of the textual
variant would not
affect this choice; it would make it possible to tike the Νωε
of verse 20 as the antecedent.
6
The author of
Hebrews also interpreted the deluge in the terms of the ordeal
paradigm: righteousness, condemnation, inheritance (see Heb. 11:7 )
.
7
See Bo Reicke,
The Anchor Bible: The Epistles of James, Peter, and Jude, New
York, 1964 , p. 113 .
8
Cf. Gen.
6:2 , 4 f., 13 . See my “Divine Kingship and Genesis 6:1-4” in The
Westminster Theological Journal XXIV (May 1962), 2, pp.
191 ff.
10
Cf.
further E. G. Selwyn, The First Epistle of Peter, London,
1946 , pp. 205 f.; Bo Reicke, op. cit., pp.
114 f. and The Disobedient Spirits and Christian
Baptism, Copenhagen, 1946 , pp. 182 ff. Reicke
maintains that in this epistle συνείδησις
does not mean “conscience” but “consent” or “positive
attitude”. In 3:21 he translates: “a pledge of good will
to God” that is, a promise of loyalty. By placing baptism in the
context of an oath of allegiance this exegesis too is favorable to
the interpretation of baptism as an ordeal ritual.
11
Cf.
below on Col. 2:11 f. On the early church’s association of baptism
with the deluge and of both with the overcoming of the demonic
powers of the Abyss, see Lundberg, op. cit. , pp. 73 ff.
12
H. H. Rowley
remarks that Paul “is really concerned to stress the contrast
between that crossing [ i. e. , through the Red Sea] and
baptism” ( The Unity of the Bible, Philadelphia, 1953, p.
149, n. 1). But the force of Paul’s warning depends precisely on
the similarity of privilege enjoyed in the exodus crossing and in
Christian baptism, the contrast being between Israel’s
post-“baptismal” behaviour and the post-baptismal conduct to
which Paul exhorts Christians.
13
Cf. footnote
41 above.
14
The Apocalyptist beheld the
exalted Christ as a veritable incarnation of this theophanic glory
pillar, appropriately present for judgment ( Rev. 1:13 ff.). The
ordeal elements of the waters and sword are included in the picture
as subordinate details (vv. 15 f.).
15
Cf
. Exod. 13:21f. ; 14:19f .
16
Cf.
Exod. 14:20 , 24 ff. Note the flashing forth of the glory of God
from the pillar in other judicial situations: Exod. 19:18 ( cf. Heb.
12:18–29 ); 24:16f. ; 33:19 ; Num. 12:10 ; 14:10 ff.; 16:19 , 42 ;
20:6 . According to E. A. Speiser’s rendering of Exod. 14:20 , the
pillar of cloud is said to curse, or cast a spell upon, the night.
See his “An Angelic ‘Curse’: Exodus 14:20 ” in the Journal
of the American Oriental Society 80, 3 (July-Sept., 1960),
pp.198–200.
17
Elsewhere note Isa. 4:2–5
, where, in an eschatological context, the prophet associates the
theophany pillar with a discriminatory, purgative burning process
which leaves in Zion a holy remnant for whom the fiery pillar is a
defence and glory. In Revelation 15 , the imagery of which seems to
draw upon the Red Sea triumph ( cf. esp. vv. 2 f.), the
elements of the sea and fire (v. 2 ) and the flashing glory of the
theophanic smokecloud (v. 8 ) are combined to introduce the mission
of the seven angels who pour out the vials of ultimate divine wrath
(v. 1 ; cf. chap. 16 ). The earth is thereby brought into its
final ordeal which has a dual issue in the destruction of the harlot
city, Babylon, and the exaltation of the bride city, Jerusalem. The
latter, according to the regular pattern of the law of ordeal,
enters into possession of the disputed inheritance. Each of these
judicial outcomes is appropriately introduced by one of these angels
of the final ordeal ( 17:1 and 21:9). This reflects the teaching of
Jesus, where angels function as God’s ordeal power, the ordeal
knife that severs the wicked unto the furnace of fire ( Matt. 13:49
; 21:31 ; Mk. 13:27 . Cf. Louis A. Vos, The Synoptic,
Traditions in the Apocalypse, Kampen, 1965, pp. 148 ff.). For
the earliest revelation of the role of angels as instruments of
judgment by fire and sword see Gen. 3:24 . In view of the
association of the Red Sea with baptism in I Cor. 10:2 , E. Kasemann
asks whether the heavenly sea of Rev. 15:2 ought not to be connected
with the waters of baptism ( “A Primitive Christian
Baptismal Liturgy” in Essays on New Testament Themes, Naperville,
1964, p. 161). This viewpoint is more positively presented by A.
Farrer, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, Oxford, 1964,
pp. 90 f., 171 f. Cf. Lundberg, op. cit., p. 143.
18
Lundberg ( op
. cit., pp. 110 - 112) would support
this conclusion on the ground that the baptism “in the cloud” is
cited as an equivalent to being baptized “by one Spirit” ( I
Cor. 12:13 ). He notes Mk. 9:7 ; Lk. 1:35 ; and the use of πισκιάζειν
, in the LXX for the descent of the cloud. Cf. Mt. 3:11 .
19
On the assumption that the place of Israel’s crossing, yam
sÛph, means
“sea of reeds”, it has been suggested that this name may have
brought to the Exodus author’s mind the Sea of Reeds which figures
in Egyptian mythology. This sea (also known as a sea of the
underworld arid of heaven and of life) was a sea of purification
through which the soul must pass for regeneration. (So J. R. Towers,
“The Red Sea” in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 1959,
pp. 150–153). But the explanation of Paul’s use of βαπτίζω
must be sought elsewhere. On the meaning of the Hebrew yam sÛph,
cf. M. Copisarow, “The Ancient Egyptian, Greek and Hebrew
Concept of the Red Sea”, in Vetus Testamentum, 1962, pp.
1–13.
20
Cf.
my Treaty of the Great King, pp. 30, 36 1. That
baptism, for Paul, was an act which conveyed one through death into
the new world is maintained by Lundberg ( op. cit. , pp. 135
ff.) on the ground that there was current a similar interpretation
of the Red Sea episode, to which Paul likened Christian baptism. He
also assembles the evidence for the early prevalence of the
conception of baptism as a passage through the waters of death. It
would appear that the thesis of the present article, though not
identical with that conception, is compatible with it and in any
case restores baptism to the general world of ideas with which it
was associated in at least some ancient liturgies.
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